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 TeasersGuillaume Durocher Blogview

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In the absence of official statistics, observers interested in the ethno-religious changes of France society must resort to creative methods. One such method is to use the French statistical agency’s (INSEE) annual database of first names given to newborns.

Using this data, the French identitarian news aggregator Fdesouche has charted the dramatic growth of newborns with Islamic first names from around 2.5% in 1969 to 21.5% in 2019. This figure is remarkably congruent with our other sources.

While Fdesouche has been using this method to give annual estimates since 2016, it came to broader attention in 2019 when the mainstream pollster Jérôme Fourquet used the same technique in his remarkable bestseller The French Archipelago: The Birth of a Divided and Multiple Nation. Fourquet had found that in 2015 some 18.5% of newborns were given Muslim first names.

Fourquet is no right-wing ideologue but a senior manager at the venerable Institute of French Public Opinion (IFOP), the nation’s leading polling and market research agency. Indeed, The French Archipelago goes far beyond ethnic issues, discussing dechristianization (the decline of “Marie”), the semi-Americanization of lower class French (the proliferation of “Kevins” and “Cindys” due to 1990s American soap operas), and wider trends of social fragmentation and heightened individualism.

Fourquet’s analysis resonated strongly with the public at a time when the French political landscape was breaking down – with the collapse of the conservatives and the Socialists in favor of Emmanuel Macron and marine Le Pen – and the rise of the yellow-vest protests contesting urban elites.

The figures for Muslim first names are not perfectly precise because of the problem of “mixed names” and the growing percentage of “rare names,” which are difficult to classify and which Muslims seem to have a predilection for. As such, the real percentage of Muslim newborns may actually be around 25%.

The figures are also broken down by département (county). As one would expect, Muslims are concentrated in Greater-Paris, making up an outright majority of Seine-Saint-Denis (54%).

The figures are broadly congruent with another major source for estimating the growing non-European component of the French population: the percentage of newborns tested for sickle-cell disease, something normally done for populations vulnerable to that congenital illness (typically, Africans, Middle-Easterners, Indians, but also southern Italians).

Percentage of newborns tested for sickle-cell disease in France, a proxy for non-European births
Percentage of newborns tested for sickle-cell disease in France, a proxy for non-European births

Fdesouche had found that 31.5% of newborns were tested for sickle-cell in 2010, rising to 39.4% in 2016. If a fifth of newborns in France are Muslims, it is plausible that around one third of newborns are non-European. After all, a large contingent of France’s non-White immigrants are Christian or otherwise non-Muslim: Blacks and mixed-race from France’s Caribbean and other overseas territories, Christian Africans (who are increasingly replacing the dying breed that are French pastors in our churches), Christian Arabs (especially Lebanese), various Asians, etc.

The agency collecting national sickle-cell statistics was shut down in 2018 and there was talk of universalizing tests regardless of ethnic origin. The French authorities claim these measures have nothing to do with the identitarian Right’s use of these figures – which certainly was causing alarm in official circles.

These data suggest that developments in France are analogous to what we see in the rest of the Western world: very similar to Great Britain (non-Whites made up 24.4% of births in 2014 and Whites are projected to become a minority of the general population by the 2060s) and about 20 years behind the United States of America (Whites make up a minority of under 15s, Whites are projected to become a minority of the general population in the 2040s).

Note: a substantial portion of White births in France are to people of Italian, Portuguese, Polish, or other European origin. As such, if non-Europeans make up a third of births, it may be that the native France proper already only account for about half of births. However, statistics show that European immigrants to France rapidly converge socio-economically with the native French and assimilate. After all, France as a nation is essentially a fusion of European ethnies – Gallo-Roman, Breton, Flemish . . . – united by the French language and culture.

By contrast, recent polls have highlighted the stark divergence in values between young Muslims and Europeans in France: 66% of young Muslims want insulting Islam to be punished by law and 26% do not oppose the assassination of cartoonists mocking Mohamed. Perhaps not coincidentally, around two thirds have French people consistently say “There are too many foreigners in France.”

https://twitter.com/GuiDurocher/status/1316414441630597122

All this data testifies to the reality of an ongoing “Great Replacement” of the native French population, the native British population, and the White American population since the 1960s. For all that, if we consult on Wikipedia, we are told that the Great Replacement is “a white nationalist far-right conspiracy theory which states that, with the complicity or cooperation of ‘replacist’ elites, the white French population—as well as white European population at large—is being progressively replaced with non-European peoples . . . Scholars have generally dismissed the claims of a ‘great replacement’ as being rooted in a misreading of immigration statistics and unscientific, racist views.”

Meanwhile, the Wikipedia article for the strange term “Whiteshift” claims that “Whiteshift, white racial shift, or sometimes called white decline is the demographic and social phenomenon of white majorities gradually declining to become a minority group, sometimes labelled majority minority, and increasingly of mixed race heritage, due to consensual intermarriage and natural demographic change in the Western world.”

 
• Category: Culture/Society, Foreign Policy • Tags: France, Immigration, Muslims 

As the judicial persecution of French dissidents intensifies, it is becoming more difficult to keep track of even the most punitive measures. Thus, I only recently learned that the French civic nationalist and publisher Alain Soral was sentenced last month to pay €134,400 ($158,500) to the International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism (LICRA), the French equivalent of the SPLC.

His crime? Republishing Le Salut par le Juifs (“Salvation Through the Jews) by Léon Bloy, a classic French Christian author, first released in 1892.

A French court had ordered Soral in 2013 to bowdlerize Bloy’s book by removing 15 passages deemed anti-Semitic. One wonders if it will still be legal in France to publish unabridged editions of the works of Shakespeare or Voltaire, both of which, like many classic authors, expressed sharp criticism of the Jews’ behavior.

Soral’s edition of “Salvation Through the Jews.”
Soral’s edition of “Salvation Through the Jews.”

Soral’s publishing house decided to release the text again in 2018 and, when this was brought to the court’s attention, it inflicted the $158,500 fine.

The affair is rather dubious in several respects. Firstly, Bloy’s book has been republished several times since 1892 without legal mishap and is freely available on Wikisource. The message is clear: Alain Soral, and only Alain Soral, does not have the right to republish this historic text simply because of his anti-Zionist political activities.

The French Christian mystic and writer Léon Bloy
The French Christian mystic and writer Léon Bloy

Secondly, and as the title suggests, it is not even clear that Bloy’s “Salvation Through the Jews” is an anti-Semitic book. As the conservative writer Pierre de Meuse explains:

This book was written by Léon Bloy to respond to [the famous anti-Semite Édouard] Drumont’s La France Juive [“Jewish France”], in order to fight both. It is true that the text contains many invectives, notably against “the Jews’ mercantilism” . . . but as Bloy is a fiery preacher who attacks just about everyone this is of little consequence . . . [Bloy] takes up the old argument of Christian theology on Jews, somewhat schizophrenic truth be told, but inflating this with a mystical movement to the glory of the Chosen People, “forever.” Let us cite: “The Jews block history as a dam blocks a river, in order to raise the level.”

Thus, while denouncing Jewish behavior, Bloy sees the Jews and their fallen nature as part of God’s plan for humanity’s moral elevation.

By contrast, Drumont’s La France juive (also available on Wikisource) is very much a secular critique of Jewish wealth and influence in nineteenth-century France. A French court had previously banned Soral point-blank from republishing Drumont’s book too, and he respected this ruling. But, evidently, Soral considered that publishing a censored version of Bloy’s book would be dishonorable.

While the LICRA claims to be an “anti-racist” organization, it is in fact a Jewish organization overwhelmingly led by Jews and White gentiles. Mario Stasi, president of the organization since 2017, is the LICRA’s first gentile leader. All five previous presidents, from 1927 to 2017, were Jews (Bernard Lecache, Jean Pierre-Bloch, Pierre Aidenbaum, Patrick Gauber [ Goldenberg], and Alain Jakubowicz).

The LICRA has not published a photographic overview of the organization’s leadership in some time, possibly because it was a source of embarrassment. Indeed, not a single melanin-enriched person sat on the “anti-racist” organization’s ruling body.

https://twitter.com/NasNacera/status/1291505355155963904

One Muslim woman commented: “Here’s the [former] Executive Bureau of the LICRA, which evidently chooses its members according to their skin color and family name.”

We must note that the LICRA and other “anti-racist Zionists” are heavily embedded in the French political elite, including the “anti-racist” Left. Aidenbaum has previously served as vice-mayor under the Socialist Mayor of Paris Anne Hidalgo. He has since been “me-tooed” and is currently under investigation for rape. Hidalgo currently employs Patrick Klugman, a hardcore Zionist who has also been heavily engaged in the legal persecution of French patriots.


Former LICRA President Pierre Aidenbaum with Shimon Peres and Mayor Paris Anne Hidalgo.

The persecution of Alain Soral has greatly intensified this year. His two popular YouTube channels have been deleted and he has received several other fines and a one-year prison sentence in recent months. Indeed, Soral was briefly jailed in July this year, but was released due to an obscure legal technicality. It seems probable Soral will soon be joining Hervé Ryssen in prison, another French writer who has been locked in a modern-day Bastille for criticizing the Jews. As a free thinker, Soral has always been prepared for this eventuality, knowing full well that one cannot flout convention and denounce the powerful without paying the price.

 

The French identitarian writer and critic of Jewish power Hervé Ryssen was jailed on 18 September after having been found guilty of hate speech on three occasions. He has exhausted his right to appeal. He faces 17 months in jail and potentially more as he has other trials awaiting him.

Ryssen was found guilty of “insult, provocation, and public defamation due to origin, ethnicity, nationality, race, or religion.” In 2016, he was sentenced to 5 months in jail for passages in his books Understanding Judaism, Understanding Anti-Semitism. In 2017, he was sentenced to 6 months in jail for “anti-Semitic messages” on Twitter and Facebook.

In June 2018, Ryssen was sentenced to 1 year in jail, the maximum penalty, for a YouTube video entitled “The Jews, Incest, and Hysteria,” in which he explained why, in the judge’s words, “the Jews are an incestuous nation.” Evidently the judge was unmoved by the existence of numerous genetic clinics servicing Jews because of their propensity to various diseases as a historically in-bred population. Ryssen also had to give money to litigious ethnic lobbies, 2000 euros going to the National Bureau of Vigilance Against Anti-Semitism and 1000 euros for Lawyers Without Borders, France-Israel, and the International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism (LICRA, France’s SPLC).

Israel’s Billions: Jewish Crooks and International Financiers: How to Pick Money from the Goyim’s Pockets
Israel’s Billions: Jewish Crooks and International Financiers: How to Pick Money from the Goyim’s Pockets

In January 2020, Ryssen was also found guilty of “contesting the existence of crimes against humanity.”

Ryssen is the author of numerous books on Jewry, with titles like The Jewish Mafia, Israel’s Billions, and The Planetary Hopes. The dissident website Contre-Info wrote:

In a country in which 100,000 jail sentences have not been implemented, even as prisons are being emptied because of COVID-19, they are taking the decision, a political one, to lock up a patriotic writer.

Hervé Ryssen has studied political Judaism in several books – but evidently certain subjects do not suffer “blasphemy.” He was basically sentenced because of tweets and book covers, his writings (which include very many quotes of Jewish intellectuals) being unimpeachable except for the odd sentence. He has never produced revisionist writings regarding the official history of the Second World War, but he simply shared a cartoon on Facebook. But the big media who deign to mention his incarceration present him especially as a holocaust denier [négationniste].

All this comes even as the French political-media class has again celebrated Charlie Hebdo’s right to “blaspheme,” at least where the Christian and Muslim religions are concerned. Je Suis Charlie for thee, but not for me.

I have had no personal contact with Hervé Ryssen. He is remarkable for being both a European identitarian and a critic of Jewish power (in general, French activists tend to focus on one or the other issue). Despite himself being a racial nationalist, Ryssen has managed to keep good relations with the anti-Zionist civic nationalist Alain Soral and the mixed-race comedian Dieudonné M’bala M’bala.

Hervé Ryssen immortalized on the cover of Paris-Match, quite accidentally used as a symbol of the yellow-vest movement.
Hervé Ryssen immortalized on the cover of Paris-Match, quite accidentally used as a symbol of the yellow-vest movement.

Ryssen’s eloquence, erudition, and courage shine through in his videos. He greatly participated in the yellow-vest protests and witnessed their change in nature from a mass movement including ordinary Frenchmen and nationalists, to a leftover leftoid movement riven by anarchists and trade-union officialdom.

Ryssen is being incarcerated at Fleury-Mérogis just outside of Paris, the largest prison in Europe.

Ryssen cannot receive packages, but apparently is receiving numerous letters of support. A representative runs his Gab account and is providing updates on his situation.

Many prominent dissident personalities have denounced Ryssen’s imprisonment, including Jean-Marie Le Pen, Bruno Gollnisch, Alain Soral. Dieudonné M’Bala M’bala, Jean-Yves Le Gallou, Henry de Lesquen, Laurent Guyénot, and many others.

Marine Le Pen has however distanced herself from Gollnisch, who is still an official in her Rassemblement National, retweeting her former partner Louis Aliot saying “Freedom of speech does not authorize every provocation or obscenity . . . Gollnisch’s statements only concern himself.”

Perhaps surprisingly, the right-wing Zionist Gilles-William Goldnadel condemned Ryssen’s imprisonment, telling a Breton nationalist website:

I have the greatest contempt for Monsieur Ryssen and the feeling is mutual. But concerning criminal speech, nothing justifies him being in prison. But we are not in an American system in which anything can be said. We are in a European-style system where freedom of speech is framed by rules. For a time, I thought this system was possible but now I’m receding to the view that the best situation is that of the American system’s First Amendment.

The anti-Zionist civic nationalists at Égalité et Réconciliation were quick to denounce Goldnadel’s “duplicity” given that he has sued many people over the years for hate speech, including Roger Garaudy, Edgar Morin, Dieudonné, Robert Faurisson, Alain Soral, Jérôme Bourbon, Henry de Lesquen, Jean-Marie Le Pen, and . . . Hervé Ryssen. Indeed, Goldnadel is the founder of Lawyers Without Borders, which contributed to getting Ryssen sentenced to jail in 2018.

Finally, I must recall that in France explicit advocacy of French ethno-nationalism is illegal, but since February 2019 the French State considers that anti-Zionism (opposition to Jewish ethno-nationalism) is hate speech.

“It proves that the lobby doesn’t exist.”
“It proves that the lobby doesn’t exist.”

https://twitter.com/ClanAssociation/status/1309804853577814016

“Free Ryssen”

 

A coalition of French think-tanks and pollsters recently published the eighth edition of the Fractures françaises (“French Fractures”) poll, notably showing the evaporation of the “Macron bump” in favor of globalism and the return of the French to their traditional hostility to immigration and to loss sovereignty to the European Union.

Macron’s election coincided with a sharp increase in the number of French who believed “France is not in decline,” rising from 14% to 31%, a figure which is now subsiding. Today, about four fifths of French believe France is in decline and a quarter believe this is irreversible, the usual figures.

Among party supporters, Macronists are the only one for whom a majority (52%) believe “France is not in decline.” This makes sense as Macron supporters tend to be the highly educated high-earners of the managerial class, people who benefit from the globalization of the French economy and are mobile enough to seize the opportunities offered by multinational corporations.

When asked to name their top 3 issues, the French most cited often crime (46% up from 28% last year), the welfare system’s sustainability (42%), the environment (41%), and purchasing power including salaries and taxes (39%). Noteworthy: conservatives (supporters of the center-right Les Républicains [LR]) are significantly more likely than nationalists (Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement national [RN]) to cite crime as a problem (72% to 58%). Both groups agree immigration is a major problem (58% and 64%, respectively).

Two thirds of French consider that “There are too many foreigners in France,” a very consistent finding since 2013. This sentiment is concentrated among conservatives (84%) and nationalists (95%). This is the defining and unifying issue for the French Right. Similarly, since 2013 over 60% of Frenchmen have consistently said that “Today, we don’t feel at home as we did before.”

While Macron has throughout his presidency consistently supported the creation of a larger EU budget and a strengthening of Brussels’ powers, 65% of Frenchmen believe “We need to strengthen our country’s ability to take decisions even if this would limit the EU’s.”

The Franco-German push to create common EU debt has indeed led to the establishment of a 750-billion-euro EU stimulus fund to restart the economy after the coronavirus recession. The fund will particularly target southern Europe, which has been economically devastated, but will inevitably come with innumerable strings attached: “EU governance” and “peer-pressure” will constrain national policymaking and seek to enmesh national elected politicians in a web of bureaucratic procedures, previous commitments, and transnational committees. These will of course also ensnare France.

Nonetheless, a majority of French think EU membership is a good thing.

While the French are skeptical of globalization, their social values are highly variable, sometimes conservative-authoritarian, sometimes liberal-progressive. Around two thirds of Frenchmen say that “In France, things were better before.” Over 80% of Frenchmen continue to believe that “We need a real leader in France to restore order” and that “Authority is a value which is too often criticized today.” Support for the death penalty is apparently increasing, rising to 55% today.

At the same time, 69% consider French society to be “patriarchal” and the French are more or less evenly divided on whether feminist movements have “gone too far” or not. Some 82% of French consider that “racism” has a significant presence in France, 57% believe it is increasing, and 55% say there is racism in the police.

The most consistent trend is probably the rise and fall of support for globalism that coincided with Macron’s election.

Yellow: “Globalization is a threat to France.” Blue: “Globalization is an opportunity for France.”

The Macronist parenthesis – the promise of a jeune et dynamique president breaking through the old party system – has not lastingly affected French opinion, which is one of basic suspicion towards globalization. Indeed, if anything Macron has presided over an emerging protectionist consensus, with 65% of Frenchmen saying “France must protect herself more from the world of today.” Only 35% say “France should open itself up more to the world of today.”

The party-supporters most in favor of “protection” are the nationalists (87%) followed by the conservatives (77%) and the leftists of La France insoumise (“Unbowed France”) and the French Communist Party (62%).

The polarization by class is consistent: managers are the most globalist (58% see it as an opportunity), while two thirds of employees, blue-collar workers, and retirees consider globalization a threat.

There has been a significant shift in favor of protectionism to promote French companies from 50% in June 2017 to 61% today. Indeed, with coronavirus Macron has openly for relocalizing industry in France and EU policymakers claim to want to restore Europe’s economic “strategic autonomy” relative to the United States of America and China.

However, curiously, conservative supporters are among those most in favor free trade (about half supporting, on a par with Macronists, and sharply differing with nationalists, who are overwhelmingly protectionist).

The French are united in their contempt for the political class. Confidence in political parties hovers around 10%. Some 57% of French said they supported moves towards direct democracy, on the model of a recent “citizen’s convention” of citizens drawn by lot who drafted various environmental proposals (in fact, this convention was presided over and shepherded by apparatchiks close to the Greens and the Socialists). The pollsters decided to illustrate this finding with this pie chart:

This is not unusual, French and EU political and media class loves these kinds of illustrations. In their mind, the majority of the French population is already made up of wholesome people of color. And, our elites subliminally add: it’s already worked out really well so far, so what are you complaining about? (Pay no attention to the concrete blocks we’ve put up around our Christmas markets, the bulletproof glass around our monuments, or the recurring Islamists terrorist attacks and more humdrum day-to-day violence and homicide, discussing which all merely play the cynical game of the Far-Right.) We cannot overestimate how untethered our “elites” have become from reality.

Can a force arise to oppose globalism in France? Probably not in the immediate. Despite Marine Le Pen’s years-long efforts at rebranding to be as innocuous as possible, around 55-60% of French consistently consider her party to be “dangerous for democracy” and “xenophobic.” This figure also applies conservatives by the way, who should normally consider nationalists their natural allies.

 
• Category: Foreign Policy • Tags: Emmanuel Macron, France 

European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde recently spoke with the French business magazine Challenges [sic] on the “revolutionary process” of feminizing of the workplace (actually focusing on female leadership). Her comments were quite instructive on the state of globalist thinking on this question.

Lagarde opens with the following salvo of factoids:

Gender inequality still exists in terms of access to the job market and the pay gap. In OECD countries, the gender wage gap is still 13%. Women are working more and more but are still under-represented in management positions in both the private and public sectors. The coronavirus crisis has made the situation worse for women. Women make up almost 70% of the healthcare workforce; they are at greater risk from a health perspective. During lockdown, they have been active on all fronts, forced to work while caring for their children, not to mention coping with the threat of domestic violence. As in every economic crisis, they are at greater risk of losing their jobs or of having their wages cut.

This kind of hodgepodge needs no detailed rebuttal. Note that the OECD gender wage gap makes no account for the fact that men and women work different jobs (notably well-paid STEM careers). The comment on women being “at great risk” of coronavirus is in particularly poor taste given that men are more likely to die of the disease.

Lagarde ends with a totalitarian flourish that would make the dourest Ceaușesquian apparatchik proud: “The road towards gender parity in the workplace is anything but straight. It is a long-term process that requires vigilance at all times from every segment of society.” There can be no room for spontaneity and natural development in our society. Everything must be monitored, controlled, policed, and sanctioned according to our ideological priors.

When, exactly, did gender equality slip from a commitment to equality of opportunity to a mission of socially engineering equality of outcomes?

Lagarde observes: “We have made some progress [on gender equality], but unfortunately there is a civil society consensus at international level that, given the still slow pace of advancement, any significant gains on the equality front will take decades rather than years to emerge – unless something changes.” Now there’s a mouthful: “international civil society consensus,” referring to the vast network of para-governmental or oligarch-funded organisations that are considered our conscience on this issue. Evidently, there has been a decided shift in opinion in the managerial class, the top 15-20% of our societies, in France embodied by the supporters of Emmanuel Macron.

A curiosity of Official Feminism is that one can make the case for female superiority, but not the reverse. Lagarde argues:

You’ve often heard me say that if Lehman Brothers had been Lehman Sisters, the financial crisis of 2008 would no doubt have turned out differently. And the quality of a number of women leaders in the political or economic arena has certainly enabled better management of the unprecedented health crisis which we are now experiencing. But there are still too few women in positions of responsibility. More needs to be done in many areas. Just to give one example: we should encourage men to take paternity leave, and grant it to them for longer periods than their current entitlement of a few days or weeks.

Needless to say, the debate becomes rather one-sided given that anyone making the case for the superiority of male management will face instant professional annihilation and expulsion from polite society. Witness the fates of Larry Summers and James Damore after making more innocuous comments.

Lagarde adds: “And beyond the professional world, too, there is still quite a way to go, as is sadly evident from the prevalence of domestic violence and number of femicides.” This has become a popular and emotive issue in the French media recently, as though it were a recent issue or a worsening issue or something.

[M]en are definitely more accepting than before of women attaining the most senior positions, and corporate behaviour is beginning to change. Not only with regard to career paths, but also in day-to-day interaction between men and women. This is a valuable and necessary transformation; moreover, the younger generations are more aware of these issues. But the real change in mentality will come when nobody, male or female, questions the legitimacy of a woman holding a position of power.

One wonders who she could possibly be referring to in this current year.

The trouble with this whole discourse is that it denies a priori any significant biological differences between men and women. Or rather, feminists want to have it both ways: on the one hand there are no significant biological differences which could lead to legitimate male over-representation in a desirable field, other the other hand sometimes differences are acknowledged and these account for female superiority in some field.

In fact, given their differing roles and incentives through their evolutionary history – men using their physical strength to fight other tribes for instance, women spending much of their lives pregnant and caring for their young – it would be utterly normal for men and women to be attracted to different fields of work. If there is equality of opportunity, inequality of outcomes should be expected in certain sectors and should not be assumed to be because of exclusion or discrimination. It’s obvious that the fact that men are more violent than women by about an order of magnitude has fundamentally biological causes.

Naturally feminism focuses on replacing men in prestigious positions such as government, corporate leadership, and STEM. Few ask: why are all those UberEats bikers delivering food men? Why are nurseries and primary schools overwhelmingly staffed by women? (“Stereotypes,” of course, have probably brainwashed these women to prefer spending time with small children rather than face dismal weather conditions as UberEats bikers.) Why are garbage collectors men?

Actually, I hesitate to tease feminists on this. I have even encountered official government programs mandating the increase in the percentage of female garbage collectors. But the inevitable question: Why? Who cares? Don’t you have better things to do?

Anyway, the growing popularity of transexuality among our thinking class shows that they have become completely unhinged from biological reality, at least wherever some wounded ego is concerned.

The upshot to all this is that, in Europe and much the developed world, systematic and official discrimination against men in politics, management, and science will intensify. Quotas for female politicians already exist in many European countries, notably France, and the EU wants to legally require all corporations to have gender quotas for their corporate boards. Including, obviously, for sectors women tend to avoid, such as IT.

Lagarde concludes: “Female emancipation boosts productivity and economic development. That is an established and documented fact. So, what are we waiting for?”

All this begs the question: what will be the long-term consequence of feminizing leadership?

 
Patton in North Africa.
Patton in North Africa.

I am occasionally told that the elevated and demanding moral precepts of ancient men were unrealistic and all talk. One may or may not like the writings of the knight Geoffroi de Charny or the sayings of the samurai Jōchō Yamamoto, but in any case no real human could actually live like this.

As an example closer to us, I can cite the American general George S. Patton. Here is a man who lived in the sole hope of achieving military glory, of killing and fighting enemies of his country, and thanked God every day when the opportunity to show his mettle was finally given to him.

That’s the sense you get reading Patton’s diaries and letters, published after the war by Martin Blumenson.[1]

Patton has much to say of interest: on how to bring the best out of men (“pride” and self-respect), on unhappy cooperation with the British (“war by committee”), on the Arabs of North Africa (wretched mongrels, from the most part), on his relentless quest for “national prestige” (Patton thought the Brits were hogging too much of it, by preventing American forces from seeing action), and his rather philosophical reflections and religious practice in anticipation of uncertain battles that, at any moment, could result in his death.

Patton is clearly cyclothymic, his mood swinging between the exhilaration of action and the melancholy of downtime. He rapidly becomes bored and depressed assuming the duties of de facto governor of Morocco, despite the role having its fair share of responsibilities.

Patton is more cultivated a man than his image as a swashbuckling, no-nonsense cussin’ soldier might lead one to believe. He could just about speak French and could quote Frederick the Great or Napoleon from memory. Recalling episodes of modern or ancient military history was often a way for Patton to put the dangerous situations he faced in perspective and steel his will.

I was struck by a passage in Patton’s diary from June 5, 1943:

There are a lot of starry-eyed State Department boys busting to raise the living standard of Arabs who should be all killed off . . . No State Department people should be permitted in a theater of war, nor at the peace treaty.[2]

“State Department boys” seem to correspond to a wider psychological type of bureaucratic do-gooders who mean well, perhaps, but who do not have a sense of harsh realities. This type, now increasingly feminine, has certainly been on the ascendant since then.

This may be related to a phenomenon, witnessed by Mircea Eliade, the Romanian-American historian of religions, during his time as a diplomat in Romania’s foreign service. He was struck that Romanian diplomats in various legations tended to be Anglophile despite their country’s siding with the Axis and would virtually celebrate Axis defeats. This was despite the fact that there was no reason to think that, in case the Axis fell, the British could or would make any serious effort to save Romania from the tender embrace of the Soviet Union.

Anyway, as I say, an exacerbated version of this psychological type seems triumphant today: the slippery slope may be a logical fallacy but it is a sociological reality.

Notes

[1] Martin Blumenson (ed.), The Patton Papers: 1940-1945 (Da Capo, 1974).

[2] Ibid., p. 263.

 
26% do not oppose the assassination of cartoonists mocking Mohammed

With the beginning of the trial of 11 Muslims accused in the 2015 Charle Hebdo massacre, the notorious French newspaper is republishing the cartoons of Mohammed which got 12 of their colleagues murdered. Bernard-Henri Lévy and secularist establishment are celebrating this brave expression of free speech as a triumph of the Values of the Republic.

Meanwhile, this same politico-media establishment is condemning en masse the right-wing magazine Valeurs actuelles for publishing an alternative history in which a left-wing Black MP is portrayed as being enslaved by her fellow Africans. This, of course, was racist, not a legitimate expression of the spirit of Voltaire.[1]

But are the Muslims of France really assimilating to Republican secularism? A recent poll by the highly-respected IFOP institute suggests not and that there is a growing cultural cleavage between Muslims and non-Muslims in France.

The pollsters asked: “Do you understand the indignation regarding the publication of the Mohammed cartoons?” 73% of Muslims said yes, as against 29% of French people at large (including Muslims).

69% of Muslims believe the press was wrong to publish such cartoons as “a useless provocation,” as against 31% for the general population.

66% of Muslims believe it is right to prosecute Charlie Hebdo for publishing such cartoons, as against only 21% for the general population.

18% of Muslims – about 2 million people – “do not condemn” or “are indifferent to” the Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks. The figure rises to 26% for young Muslims (aged 15-24). Interestingly, the proportion of Muslims aged 15-17 refusing to condemn the attacks rose from 1% in 2016 to 22% in 2020. This makes for a very large pool of terrorist sympathizers and potential Islamic terrorists.

Finally, 40% of Muslims in France “put their religious convictions ahead of the [French] Republic’s values.”

The figure rises to 74% for Muslims under 25.

All this raises dire questions for France’s future as a society divided along ethno-religious lines. In 2016, Jérôme Fourquet – a leading pollster – estimated that 18% of babies in France were given Muslim first names. This constantly-rising figure represents a critical mass easily large enough to sustain a religious subculture quite at odds with of the old generation of aging left-wing secularist and “assimilationist” Boomers and Jews.

For left-wing Boomers and Jews, anti-racist colorblindness and the holocaust are effectively a religion – that’s why they support State censorship against what amounts to blasphemy against the sacred tropes. Muslims have their own concerns and religion however.

This has long caused problems for the French left – divided between White secularists and Arab/Turkish Muslims. As the French working class has defected en masse to nationalism, the far-left in particular has had to turn from militant colorblind secularism to left-wing racial and religious identity politics which resonates more with Blacks and Muslims.

The French racial nationalist website Démocratie participative writes:

[Far-left leader Jean-Luc] Mélenchon knows very well how his bread is buttered, and it isn’t with Bernard-Henri Lévy. He does not hesitate to encourage this political realignment by comparing Charle Hebdo with the far-right because of its attacks against Islam. His goal is to forge a banlieu populism combining the leftism of smalltime bureaucrats and the Islamism of immigrant riffraff.

Mélenchon had explained the travails of another far-left party in 2012 saying: “Do you know why is the [New Anticapitalist Party] is screwed? Because you cannot transform a micro-movement of Jewish intellectuals of the Latin Quarter [in Paris] in a mass party of the Muslim banlieues.”

Mélenchon has in the past criticized Jewish activist organizations in France and has often ignored the Jews’ sensibilities. This is a sign of a decline of Jewish influence over a large portion of the increasingly Afro-Islamic French far-left.

It is hard for me to judge the state of play among Muslims in France.

Will French Arabs and Turks become the functional equivalent of Hispanics? That is to say, a fairly low-functioning and apolitical group, prone to educational failure, welfare use, and crime, but not particularly capable of revolutionary activity. In this scenario, Islam and headscarves become of no more than folkloric interest and politically Muslims become little more than voters at the social-democratic trough.

Or will Muslims in France maintain a distinct culture, a parallel society, at once alien and capable of domination? That is the Soumission scenario.

And while I have lived in many multicultural neighborhoods and had many exchanges, typically productive, with Arabs, I cannot tell you which scenario is more likely.

Anyway, expect many more aging French leftist secularist cartoonists to bite the dust at the hands of their Muslim guests. As the Boomers and their inane obsessions pass away, things will simultaneously get much worse and somewhat better. The hegemonic postwar culture will dissolve and in its wake a thousand stupidities, and few truths, will bloom.

The French colorblind secularist left to make way for left-wing ethno-religious identity politics. As Blacks and Muslims in France assert themselves as Blacks and Muslims, more and more native French will awaken to their own identity and organize on that basis.

Note

[1] Even Marine Le Pen’s National Rally piled on against Valeurs, proving yet again that her “nationalist” party is an epiphenomenal manifestation of the French politico-media system and exists only by the tolerable limits set by that system.

 

Heinz Guderian, Panzer Leader (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Da Capo, 1996 [1952])

I first read the memoirs of General Heinz Guderian, Germany’s foremost tank commander during the Second World War, while I was still in high school.

I have to say that Guderian’s whole deportment immediately appealed to me. Here was a man of great dynamism, loyalty, and innovation; one who understood service and command, and who showed persistence in promoting tank warfare in the military’s inevitable internal bureaucratic struggles and great boldness in the rough-and-tumble of war itself.

Guderian’s memoirs are decidedly stoic, detached in the face of the many tragedies and otherwise almost cheerful. The sober French and original German titles reflect this: “Memories of a Soldiers,” Souvenirs d’un Soldat, Erinnerungen eines Soldaten. Here was a real Prussian. With his steely eyes and neat mustache, Guderian looked rather like my young grandfather during the same war, albeit they wore different uniforms and fought on opposing sides.

There is not an ounce of bitterness despite the total defeat of his country, right up the territorial loss and ethnic cleansing of millions of Germans in his ancestral East Prussia. On the contrary, Guderian always expresses his gratitude to family, mentors, and colleagues who helped him along the way. In a philosophical mood, Guderian will occasionally quote Hamlet on the vanity of things.

Guderian on campaign
Guderian on campaign

The English edition of Guderian’s memoirs emphasizes his role as a tank commander with the evocative title Panzer Leader. Indeed, Guderian promoted tanks in Germany, much as Charles de Gaulle did in France, as the decisive form of modern warfare, combining concentrated power and speed which would enable, after initial breakthroughs, huge sweeps and conquests before an enemy had time to react. Guderian would put his theories into practice, with stunning results, in Poland, France, and the initial invasion of the Soviet Union.

But while De Gaulle fruitlessly lobbied the politicians of the Third Republic for years on end – who feared a professional military, clung to old tactics, and the hugely expensive defensive Maginot Line – Guderian found that Hitler was quite receptive to his ideas.

Guderian’s memoirs go into meticulous detail on his interwar years and especially the various campaigns of the war itself. This can be a bit of a slog if one isn’t a military history buff and, anyway, memoirs a rather treacherous genre for which one needs to be able to cross-reference with other sources to guard against the selective and misleading nature of human memory.[1]

The book concludes with two synthetic final chapters on “The Leading Personalities of the Third Reich” and “The German General Staff,” which provide great insight and are broadly congruent with what we find elsewhere.

Hitler’s Personality and Leadership

Guderian (left) with Hitler and other officers
Guderian (left) with Hitler and other officers

Guderian provides a brief and in many ways familiar account of Hitler’s appeal in ruined interwar Germany. Against the injustices of the Treaty of Versailles (most notably, military castration and prevention of self-determination in Austria and the Sudetenland by which ethnic Germans naturally would have joined Germany proper) and the impotence and division of the Weimar Republic, Hitler proposed a nationalist dictatorship which would “abolish unemployment and party strife.” Guderian says these aims “were entirely desirable and with which any good German must agree.” After listing the innumerable despots and demagogues which have seduced countless peoples, he adds that “the Germans cannot rightly be accused of being any more suggestible than other nations” (433).

Writing in 1951, Guderian notes in passing that the Austrian Question was lay still unresolved in the postwar world, as Austria “cannot exist without coordination with some larger industrial area; now it is to be hoped that a European economic union will solve this problem” (433).

Guderian provides a succinct character portrait of Hitler, hiding neither his appreciation for his qualities nor his severe criticism:

Of humble origin, limited schooling, and with insufficient training in the home, coarse in speech and in manner, he stands before us as a man of the people who was most at ease among an intimate group from his own part of the country. To begin with, he did not feel awkward in the company of persons of a higher cultural background, particularly when the conversation dealt with art or music or similar matters. Later on, certain elements of his closest entourage, persons themselves of low culture, deliberately awakened in him a strong dislike for those people of a more spiritual nature and with a socially superior background with whom he had previously been able to get on . . .

He had an unusually clever brain and was equipped with remarkable powers of memory, particularly for historical data, technical figures, and economic statistics; he read everything that was put before him and thus filled in the gaps in his education. He was continually amazing people by his ability to quote relevant passages from what he had read or had heard at conferences. “Six weeks ago you said something quite different,” was a favorite and much-dreaded remark of the man who became Chancellor and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. And there was no arguing with him about this, for he would have the stenographer’s record of the conversation in question immediately available.

He possessed a talent for casting his ideas into an easily assimilated form, which he would then hammer into his listeners’ minds by means of endless repetition. . . .

He possessed natural oratorical talents of an unusually high order . . . He understood brilliantly how to adjust his manner of speech according to whether he was addressing industrialists or soldiers, devout Party comrades or skeptics, Gauleiters, or minor functionaries.

His most outstanding quality was his willpower. By the exercise of his will he compelled men to follow him. This power of his worked by means of suggestion and, indeed, its effect on many men was almost hypnotic. (430-1)

Hitler was brought down by “his habit of underestimating other races and nations” and his murderous racial policies in the East: “If any single fact played a predominant part in the collapse of National Socialism and of Germany, it was the folly of this racial policy” (440-1).

According to Guderian, Hitler was too bold in starting conflicts (such as the declaration of war against America) and too timid in finishing them off (he laments the armistice with France, which prevented action against Suez and Gibraltar which might have brought Britain to heel).

Guderian outlines Hitler’s isolation and decline as defeat became inevitable:

 
• Category: History • Tags: Hitler, World War II 
From the French Revolution to BLM

Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993 [1791])

ORDER IT NOW

I recently had the pleasure of speaking with Fróði Midjord and Andrew Joyce on Edmund Burke’s classic counter-revolutionary text, Reflections on the Revolution in France. I invite you all to have a listen as Burke’s work, in particular his psychological analysis of the Left, has stood the test of time and remains uncannily insightful in the age of BLM, trans activism, antifa, and all their radical chic apologists.

Burke attacked, with great eloquence, insight, and ferocity, the basic ideas which had emerged in the eighteenth century and still govern our world today: the so-called Rights of Man. For Burke, basing political order on such abstract, ambiguous, and ever-fluctuating ideological fashions could only lead to perpetual chaos culminating yet-more-vicious governments. Instead, he prefers time-tested institutions and customs in tune with human nature.

In terms of practical politics, Burke is in fact quite moderate. One should only cautiously change one’s inherited customs and institutions, always preserving what is valuable. In general, a mixed democratic, aristocratic, and monarchic regime is preferable, but what is actually best will differ according to circumstance (even a democracy might be preferable in some instances). France’s Ancien Régime, he concedes, certainly could be improved upon and capacity for reform is always necessary: “A state without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation” (21). Revolution is an option in the face of a tyrannical government, but it must be the last option, a gamble to be resorted to in exceptionally grave circumstances.

Burkean Community: An Intergenerational Compact

Burke opposes the individualist and egalitarian tendencies of the Enlightenment. His “social contract” is an organic and indeed intergenerational community:

Society is indeed a contract . . . It is a partnership in all science; a partnership in all art; a partnership in every virtue, and in all perfection. As the ends of such a partnership cannot be obtained in many generations, it becomes a partnership not only between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born. Each contract of each particular state is but a clause in the great primaeval contract of eternal society, linking the lower with the higher natures . . . (96-7)

How sublime is such a vision is as against a politics of maximizing personal choice and fictitious equality!

Society being an intergenerational compact, the current generation must treasure the customs and institutions inherited from the past, which have been patiently built up over the centuries. But let me quote Burke himself:

Through the same plan of a conformity to nature in our artificial institutions, and by calling in the aid of her unerring and powerful instincts, to fortify the fallible and feeble contrivances of our reason, we have derived several other, and those no small benefits, from considering our liberties in the light of an inheritance. (34)

Politicians ought to look to “the practice of their ancestors, the fundamental laws of their country, the fixed form of a constitution, whose merits are confirmed by the solid test of long experience, and an increasing public strength and national prosperity” (58). However, the revolutionaries “despise experience as the wisdom of unlettered men” (58).

Burke’s appeal to intergenerational and inherited wisdom also extends to the personal level in the form a striking defense of prejudice. Prejudice is a concentrate of practical and hard-won wisdom handed down from past generations:

You see, Sir, that in this enlightened age I am bold enough to confess, that we are generally men of untaught feelings; that instead of casting away all our old prejudices, we cherish them to a very considerable degree, and, to take more shame to ourselves, we cherish them because they are prejudices; and the longer they have lasted, and the more generally they have prevailed, the more we cherish them. We are afraid to put men to live and trade each on their own private stock of reason . . . better to avail themselves of the general bank and capital of nations, and of ages. Many of our men of speculation, instead of exploding general prejudices, employ their sagacity to discover the latent wisdom which prevails in them.. Prejudice is of ready application in the emergency; it previously engages the mind in a steady course of wisdom and virtue, and does not leave the man hesitating in the moment of decision, sceptical, puzzled, and unresolved. Prejudice renders a man’s virtue his habit; and not a series of unconnected acts. Through just such prejudice, his duty becomes a part of his nature. (87)

Human Nature as the Foundation of Politics

Burke is emphatic in arguing that political institutions must hew closely to the realities of human nature. He says: “I have endeavoured through my whole life to make myself acquainted with human nature: otherwise I should be unfit to take even my humble part in the service of mankind” (137). He provocatively dismisses the Enlightenment philosophes saying he is “[i]nfluenced by the inborn feelings of my nature . . . not being illuminated by a single ray of this new-sprung modern light” (74).

For Burke, political institutions must not be based on an exaggerated notion of humanity’s capacity for reason, but be carefully adapted to our sentiments: building upon religious piety and ‘irrational’ emotional investment in traditions and institutions, and being careful to not unleash the envy, frustration, and bitterness that lies in every human heart.

Charlotte Corday (having killed the revolutionary writer Jean-Paul Marat)
Charlotte Corday (having killed the revolutionary writer Jean-Paul Marat)

Burke is sensitive to the impact of both in-born human nature and upbringing and living conditions in defining men’s character. The ancient lawgivers, he says, “were sensible that the operation of this second nature [upbringing and living conditions] on the first [in-born nature] produced a new combination; and thence arose many diversities among men” (185).

By contrast, the French revolutionaries refused to recognize the diversity of really existing men, but spoke only of “man” in the abstract. Burke lambasts them for being at war with human nature and destroying inherited institutions which bound society together in the name of impossible equality:

[Y]ou think you are combating prejudice, but you are at war with nature. (49)

This sort of people are so taken up with their theories about the rights of man, that they have totally forgot his nature. (64)

[Y]ou ought to make a revolution in nature, and provide a new constitution for the human mind. (202)

Man may not always like his nature, but he only loses by despising and being ignorant of it:

Those who quit their proper character, to assume what does not belong to them, are, for the greater part, ignorant both of the character they leave, and of the character they assume. (11)

You might change the names. The things in some shape must remain. (142)

Nicolas de Condorcet, a scientist, staunch believer in progress, supporter of the Revolution, and ultimately one of its victims.
Nicolas de Condorcet, a scientist, staunch believer in progress, supporter of the Revolution, and ultimately one of its victims.

The Psychology of Egalitarian Revolutionaries

 

The French anti-Zionist and civic nationalist writer Alain Soral has finally been arrested. This has been a long time coming. Apparently he was simply taken in the street by three police officers in plainclothes.

According to his website Égalité & Réconciliation:

Alain Soral was taken into custody on Tuesday July 28, 2020 at the end of the afternoon.

The three individuals who arrested him were police officers.

His 24-hour police custody has been extended.

According to his lawyers, he was arrested as part of a preliminary investigation for a press offense: “incitement to commit a crime or offense violating the interests of the nation” (article 24 paragraph 4 of the law of July 29, 1881 ). The offenses in question include, for example, providing false information, conspiracy, insurrectionary movement, raising of armed forces, etc.

A sampling of Jewish reactions:

https://twitter.com/_LICRA_/status/1288539253761363968
The International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism (effectively the French SPLC) quoting an old French film: “Justice is like the Virgin Mary. If she does not appear from time to time, doubt sets in.”

https://twitter.com/uejf/status/1288543256108826624
The Union of Jewish Student of France: “The old relic Alain Soral will not freely walk the streets of Paris this evening. Alain Soral goes to jail. This is end of the game for anti-Semites who think they can act freely.”

Meyer Habib, a rather dimwitted MP representing French citizens in Israel, suggested that the French justice system should follow the lead of California-based tech giants: “The anti-Semitic and holocaust-denying low-life Alain Soral once again arrested! Condemned by the courts 3 times in 2 years, it is high time that he rot in jail! With Dieudonné as his cell partner. Facebook and YouTube have finally started to clean shop, France must follow!”

It’s not clear what Soral has actually been arrested for. He had recently been sentenced to jail, if memory serves, for republishing a holocaust cartoon. A higher court softened the sentence to paying a €5000 fine.

I suspect this time Soral is being shut down because of his highly critical, to not say conspiratorial, takes on the coronavirus pandemic. Certainly, many tech giants have felt more confident about banning alt-media on grounds of public health – even if they had long wanted to ban these people before for ideological or ethnic crime-think.

Alain Soral has long known that one cannot be a genuine dissenter without passer par la case prison (“go to jail [do not pass-go]”) sooner or later, as did his his famed predecessors Marx and Maurras.